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【字体:小 大】Abstract: It has been argued, particularly with regard to Lu Shizhong’s (fl. 1107-1158 路時中) writings on laozhai (癆瘵), that Daoist healing shifted between the medieval and Song periods from a more moral view, seeing illness as retribution extending to family members, to a more rational modality, removing expiation from the healing process. Earlier literature had emphasized that infestatious disorders (zhu 疰) were the result of sepulchral plaints brought against the afflicted person in question, or perhaps their ancestor. Infestation passed from the dead to the living, “culminating in the destruction of the family line” (miemen 滅門). Daoist priests (daoshi) would oversee the confession of the sick, as well as counter-suits against the otherworldly plaintiff. By the Song, Daoism operated well outside the contexts of Daoist communities and parishes, and Daoist ritual masters (fashi 法師) like Lu Shizhong performed exorcisms directly on infesting demons without investigating otherworldly grievances. So, rather than treating infestation as the result, perhaps, of legitimate grievance, Lu Shizhong was simply treating the infesting demons as objects to be eradicated.
To the extent that there was a transition, however, it might not have been so clear-cut. This paper will examine moral and inter-relational dimensions in narratives of illness and Daoist healing as portrayed in Song jottings literature (biji), including stories about Lu Shizhong himself. First, what are the social and moral dimensions of the pathologies in question? In some cases, the focus of a story may be on the health of a sick individual, but in others broader social relations, of the family and community, extending to both human and spirit realms, are also at stake. In other words, where does the narrative locate the sources and effects of pathology in social and moral terms? Are demons directing their attacks randomly, or at morally culpable individuals and groups? Second, how does the Daoist healer situate himself in relation to the parties involved in his role as healer? In some cases, Daoist healers take the role of teacher, instructing the patient in Daoist disciplines of self-healing. To what extent and in what ways is atonement or moral rectification involved? In some cases, the patient may become a passive bystander in the narrative, the drama being played out between trouble-making spirits and the Daoist in his role as exorcist or negotiator. Here, moral guilt often seems irrelevant. In other cases, the Daoist healer may engage broader networks of family and community in a ritual healing process. To what extent is communal responsibility also implied? This paper will explore the often socially and morally complex processes by which both the disruptions of illness and Daoist healing were imagined as operating.
TJ Hinrichs, (Cornell University)
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